Rajesh Nayak
(ON THE 111th BIRTH CENTENARY OF JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN: A TRIBUTE)
J.P. and His Total Revolution : Concept and Reality
One of the
stalwarts of India’s freedom struggle, Jayapraksh Narayan quite often
symbolized
in different degrees the rich heritage of successive stages through which
India’s
freedom struggle progressed as well as of the reconstruction of an independent
India. Over
the years, Jayaprakash’s thinking, theories and ideologies he propounded
changed
considerably and yet Jayaprakash always remained the same. Change with
continuity
remained the bedrock of Jayaprakash’s life. Inclusion and not exclusion was
his watchword
as evident from his concept of Total Revolution used for the first time
in 1974 and
ever since it has taken its place in Indian political discourse.
Jayaprakash
Narayan appropriated in his concept of Total Revolution, every element
in different
philosophies that had the potential to enrich the revolution and prevent its
decay and
degeneration. He assimilated the revolutionary ethos of Marxism and
combined it
with the comprehensive approach of Gandhi for transforming the society.
Marx
believed that man was the measure of mankind; while Gandhi viewed man as the
centre of
development. In total revolution, JP veered round to the Gandhian approach
of not
relying solely on economic factors but also on social dimensions of change.
Total
Revolution, as envisaged by JP, was a very comprehensive concept. It
encompassed
political, economic, social, cultural, educational, moral and structural
aspects in
their totality. It aimed at radical transformation not merely of material
conditions
but also of the moral characters of the individuals. It is, however, to be
borne in
mind that the idea of total revolution was implicit in many of Gandhi’s writings
and
speeches. Subsequently, Vinoba Bhave, while stressing change in people’s
hearts,
creating
change in their lives and change in the social structure gave sufficient hints
for bringing
about drastic change in the human lives and society. At least once he also
used the
term Total Revolution.
Thus, far
from being the sole innovation of Jayaprakash Narayan, his idea of Total
Revolution
was a continuation of the preceding movement for non- violent revolution
through
Bhoodan and Gramdan- the basic thrust of Sarvodaya movement. Indeed, JP
himself had
remarked on one occasion, “There is hardly any difference between
Sarvodaya
and Total Revolution. If there is any, then Sarvodaya is the goal and Total
Revolution
the means. Total Revolution is basic change in all aspects of life. There
cannot be
Sarvodaya without this.” Since mid 1940’s JP himself had been emphasizing
on the need
for a social revolution for bringing about change in the structure of society
as well as
an improvement in the character of the individuals comprising it.
Politically,
the total revolution aimed at the establishment of people’s government for
JP was
convinced that Indian democracy must be shaped into people’s democracy and
must be
administered by the people only. He also recognized that for this to happen
one of the
most important pre-conditions was to have a band of committed volunteers
or leaders
who had moved away from the lure of power-politics and were prepared to
work for
strengthening the common people politically. The Chhatra Yuva Vahini
(Student-Youth
Struggle Brigade) was founded with this objective in view. He
advocated
communitarian or party less democracy. Socially, it sought to create a
social
system that can force the government to work for the upliftment of the lowest
man of the
society especially Harijans and other weaker sections of the society. He
also stood
for the consolidation of the suppressed and backward sections of the society
in their
struggle against the exploiting classes. He firmly believed that the class
struggle was
inevitable for “a struggle is implicit in change.” He also deplored the caste
system and
dowry system. The continuance of the child marriage despite legal
prohibition
disturbed him in no less degree. However, this struggle was to be largely
non-violent.
Economically, he was of the view that notwithstanding the enactment
against
Zamindari system and nationalization of banks, there was little improvement in
the position
of the common masses. As early as 1968, about 10,000 people in a small
block of 12
villages called Musahari in Muzaffarpur district challeneged the hegemony
of the
landlords, took over the harvests and held an armed procession through the
villages.
The nationalization of banks only led to the capitalism of the bureaucracy with
little
benefit accruing to labourers and the common people. Likewise, the education
system, as
it evolved in the independent India, remained basically what it was under
the British
rule. It was class education designed as an escalator to reach the top. He
laid more
emphasis on vocational education.
Thus, Total
Revolution was not solely meant to dislodge Mrs. Indira Gandhi from power
or reform
those wield political power; its ambit was much wider. It was an effort to
create a new
structure, a new culture, a new civilization and a new set of values. It
placed
emphasis on internal and external change, changing the entire oppressive and
exploitative
social frame from within and also from outside. JP also remarked, “This is
a golden
opportunity for changing the entire moral climate of the country and bringing
about a
moral revolution.” This is also to be recognized, however, that the most of
ideas
advocated in total revolution have the elements of utopia in them.
The ideas
under Total Revolution which JP advocated and worked for remain relevant
even today
all over India more so in the state of Bihar. Caste rules the roost in Bihar
and even the
parties are identified on the basis of caste dominating them. The
animosities
between the parties run so deep, and at such personal levels that they can
be treated
as natural enemies. All these leaders, ironically, happened to be the ardent
followers.
They all have become power seekers to the core; this is contrary to what JP
had
visualized. An in depth analysis of the present political scenario would reveal
that
the
situation as it is, was inherent in the total revolution itself. Political
scenario has
even
worsened further; state has traveled beyond criminalization of politics for the
examples
politicization of criminals have been in plenty.
Economic
inequity, as regards, land ownership persists giving rise to several private
militia,
which is largely caste based. These include predominantly of the Bhumihars,
Rajputs,
Yadavas and dalits. Correspondingly, the betrayal from JP’s followers has only
provided
fertile ground for the emergence of the naxal movement. The massacre of
the lower
people by such private militia has been taking place in Bihar. Socially caste
tension
continues to exist and so is the dowry system and child marriage especially
among the
lower caste people.
As a matter
of fact JP himself had sympathized
with the
cause of the naxal movement in 1969 while addressing a conference
of voluntary
agencies; as they seemed to help the poor.
Likewise,
there is very little change in the education pattern as JP would have
liked them
to be. For pursuing higher education students continue to migrate
to other
places mainly New Delhi. Youth, who were thought to be the vanguard
to carry
forward the goal of total revolution, are largely ignorant of the total
revolution
ideas.
Contact-
Dr. RAJESH KUMAR NAYAK
Asst.
Prof. History, J.P.University .Chapra(Bihar)
Mob- 09415649490
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